Categories
politics

A Brief Statement Regarding Kyle Rittenhouse

On Friday, November 19, 2021, just after 1:00 pm EST, a citizen jury serving at the Kenosha County Courthouse in Kenosha, Wisconsin, acquitted a young white man named Kyle Rittenhouse of first-degree intentional homicide, first-degree reckless homicide, attempted first-degree intentional homicide, and two counts of first-degree recklessly endangering safety.

The verdict, as with virtually every public decision nowadays, divided the populace of the United States. A large percentage of citizens celebrated the Rittenhouse verdict for strengthening an individual’s right to defend themselves. Another bemoaned the verdict as yet another data point in the criminal court system’s historical defense of white power.

While members of the ruling classes debated the verdict from their laptops and television studios in the country’s major metropolitan areas, a doctor in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, named Kyle Pfefferle, contacted an LSU student he met at the university’s library, a man named Kyle Sellers. Dr. Pfefferle knew Sellers was a double major in computer science and computer engineering set to graduate in December. Dr. Pfefferle challenged Sellers to build a data-mining tool to scrub the Internet for any bit of contact information belonging to each of the Kyles in the United States.

By Saturday evening, Sellers accomplished the task, and at 6:39 pm CST, Pfefferle and Sellers possessed a Google Sheet with the phone numbers and email addresses of over 160,00 individuals in the United States whose names began with Kyle. Based on Social Security data from the past 100 years, experts estimate that over 460,000 Kyles currently reside in the country.

I received my first text from Dr. Pfefferle on Sunday, November 21, 2021, at 8:03 pm EST. It read:

My name’s Doctor Kyle Pfefferle, and I invite you to join a Zoom call tonight to discuss with 163,631 other Kyle’s [sic] what our response will be to the Rittenhouse verdict.

Astounded, I confirmed my interest and attendance.

At 11:10 pm EST, I received an invitation to join the Zoom call, but due to the technical limitations of the service, when I logged on, I found only 99 other Kyles in attendance. Dr. Pfefferle was not one of them. Instead, a middle-aged man named Kyle Pretsch greeted me. Pretsch was a Vice President of IT Development for a company in Phoenix, Arizona, and he introduced himself as the group’s facilitator.

Pretsch announced that out of all the Kyles invited to the emergency conference, 87,917 signaled their willingness to attend. Dr. Pfefferle asked the first respondents to facilitate meetings of 100 Kyles each. Our task was to determine how we felt as a group about the Rittenhouse verdict and to elect a representative who would attend a second gathering to speak on our behalf later in the night.

The meeting lasted 75 minutes. The conversation covered everything from the validity of The New York Times’ 1619 Project to the wisdom of constructing a physical wall along the nation’s southern border. Our facilitator successfully navigated the noisy voices of the rest of us, and as we approached the end of the meeting, he called a vote on whether we, as a group, approved of the Rittenhouse verdict.

With a majority opinion decided, we spent the last five minutes constructing an acceptable statement of our feelings. At the end of the meeting, the group nominated three potential representatives to attend the second meeting. I was humbled when a plurality of these strangers elected me to speak for them. I don’t know why they did so, but I vowed to take the responsibility seriously.

On Monday, November 22, 2021, at 1:30 am EST, I attended another Zoom call with 999 other individuals named Kyle. Each of us represented roughly one hundred other Kyle. I learned that not every Kyle who had signaled their willingness to attend the first meeting had done so, but most had. A few individuals in this second meeting represented groups with odd numbers, but most of us represented 100, and none of us knew who represented the smaller groups.

Dr. Pfefferle facilitated the conversation, but he did not get a vote in the meeting and did not express his opinion. Instead, in his role as facilitator, he wielded the mute button. From my perspective, Dr. Pfefferle restricted his use of the mute button to enforce unspoken rules of time and decorum, but I suspect some of those he muted may have felt slighted.

When Dr. Pfefferle turned the microphone over to me, I spoke on behalf of my constituents to express their opinions and concerns. Out of a sense of fairness to the minority opinion-holders in our group, I also expressed their significant positions. I believe I represented our group fairly.

At the end of the call, Dr. Pfefferle called for nominees to speak on behalf of America’s Kyles. Over 139 names were called in the first round. The voting lasted for 29 rounds, but in the end, the group reached a majority conclusion.

At 6:11 am EST on Monday, November 22, 2021, I was rewarded (or perhaps cursed) to be elected to submit that conclusion for public review.

And so, on behalf of the majority of Kyles of the United States of America whose contact information could be scrubbed from the Internet, I now offer this brief statement:

Fuck Kyle Rittenhouse.

Categories
asides

The Death of White America Has Been Greatly Exaggerated

From The Death of White America Has Been Greatly Exaggerated:

During a rant about what he perceived as left-wing giddiness over the “extinction of white people,” [FOX News commentator, Tucker Carlson] asked, “Where did all these people go?” The millions of missing white Americans did not, in fact, go anywhere. And they are not being replaced by minorities. Growing numbers of white Americans have multiracial children and grandchildren. Others were recategorized in 2020 as multiracial themselves, instead of single-race white.

In other words, White America is only going extinct if you maintain the illusory violence of the “one drop rule.

Categories
asides

How Facebook Went Easy On Alex Jones And Other Right-Wing Figures

From “Mark Changed The Rules”: How Facebook Went Easy On Alex Jones And Other Right-Wing Figures:

“Ideology is not, and should not be, a protected class,” a [Facebook] content policy employee who left weeks after the election wrote. “White supremacy is an ideology; so is anarchism. Neither view is immutable, nor should either be beyond scrutiny. The idea that our content ranking decisions should be balanced on a scale from right to left is impracticable … and frankly can be dangerous, as one side of that scale actively challenges core democratic institutions and fails to recognize the results of a free and fair election.”

Categories
asides

Some Of Those That Work Forces, Are The Same That Burn Crosses

From After Capitol riot, police chiefs work to root out officers with ties to extremist groups:

National Sheriffs’ Association President David Mahoney said many police leaders have treated officers with extremist beliefs as outliers and have underestimated the damage they can inflict on the profession and the nation. “As we move forward,” [Mahoney said], “we need to make sure we are teaching our current [police officers] that they must have the courage to speak out when they know about another deputy’s or officer’s involvement. There should be no reference to the thin blue line.”

Categories
asides

Scholar Eve Ewing on Why She Capitalizes ‘White’

From Why I Capitalize “White”:

As long as White people do not ever have to interrogate what Whiteness is, where it comes from, how it operates, or what it does, they can maintain the fiction that race is other people’s problem, that they are mere observers in a centuries-long stage play in which they have, in fact, been the producers, directors, and central actors.

Categories
life politics

My Daughter’s Confederate Heritage

On July 18th, 1861, roughly three months after the outbreak of the American Civil War, my daughter’s great-great-great grandfather on her mother’s mother’s side, John Morgan Wages, enlisted in the 6th Regiment of the Arkansas Cavalry at the age of 16 years old to fight on the side of the Confederacy.

According to his enlistment papers, Morgan was 5’6” tall with fair complexion, blue eyes, and light hair, and prior to enlisting, he worked as a farmer.

Just a year prior, his father, Lemuel Wages, purchased “forty-six acres and twenty four-hundredths of an acre” of public land in Arkansas from the Federal government. While I haven’t found any record of Lemuel or his father, William, owning slaves, I did find a record in the 1810 U.S. Federal Census that Morgan’s great-grandfather, Dawson Wages, owned four slaves back when the family lived in Richland County, South Carolina.

I don’t know if Morgan fought for the Confederacy because he believed in white supremacy, or if he was “defending” his family’s land, or if he was “defending” his family’s property (i.e., slaves), but I do know he served as part of the Company G (the Ouachita Cavalry) and fought “for the Confederacy east of the Mississippi River.” After fighting for a year, he reenlisted in July 1862. 

Three months later, in October 1862, at the Battle of Corinth, a critical rail junction in northern Mississippi, Morgan was either “severely” or “slightly” wounded in the head (a handwritten note says “severely,” but a typed note of the list of casualties from the battle says “wounded slightly”). Morgan is listed as “Absent” on the next two company musters and disappears from the Confederate record after December 1862.

However, his name shows up again in the military record on November 25, 1863, when he enlists in Lewisburg, Arkansas, for a three-year stint as a private with Company B of the 3rd Regiment Arkansas Cavalry, fighting on behalf of the Union. Interestingly enough, the first time his name appears in the record for signing with the Union cavalry, there’s a note that reads, “Have no horse.”

I don’t know why Morgan switched sides, but many went where the wages were (no pun intended). Morgan would stay with the Union regiment for the next year and a half, fighting as part of the Camden Expedition, which was the final campaign against the Confederate Army in Arkansas (and it was wildly unsuccessful). 

In the June of 1865, there’s a remark on Morgan’s record that reads:

Stop for ordinance retained $8.00 + in confinement awaiting sentence of court martial since May 13, 1865. 

I could not find any more information on why he was courtmartialed, but he was mustered out of the regiment on June 30th, 1865. I’m assuming he wasn’t dishonorably discharged because he would collect a pension until his death, and his widow, Alcesta Wages (formerly Brazil), would continue to collect until her death in 1917.

After the war, Morgan made his living as a farmer in the Behestian or Red Hill townships in Ouachita County (according to the 1880 Census, anyway). He and Alcesta would get married in 1870 in Camden, Arkansas, and go on to have nine children (six boys and three girls [two of the latter died before the age of 1]).

I lose track of Morgan after the 1880 Census. Other family-tree researchers have his death listed as April 19th, 1892 in Edmond, West Virginia.

His wife’s grave can be found in the Scotland Presbyterian Cemetery in Scotland, Arkansas, but she’s buried with their son’s wife, not with her husband, so I don’t yet have a reliable record of his death.

All of which is to say that I have proof that my daughter directly owes her life, at least in part, to the slave economy and the fight for white supremacy.

Categories
asides

ACAB

The question is this: did I need a gun and sweeping police powers to help the average person on the average night? The answer is no. When I was doing my best work as a cop, I was doing mediocre work as a therapist or a social worker.

Anonymous, Confessions of a Former Bastard Cop