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Progressive Pressure Over the Budget Reconciliation Bill Is Creating Establishment Pushback

From Progressive Pressure Over the Budget Reconciliation Bill Is Creating Establishment Pushback:

It seems that a prerequisite for a TV anchor job or a Beltway reporting gig at a corporate media outlet is an ironclad commitment to standing in the shadow of a Mount Everest–sized pile of corporate campaign cash, and insisting with a straight face that politics is just a battle of ideas between earnest statesmen presenting different visions for the country’s future.

Jacobin follows the money. You should too.

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politics

Post-Trump Politics

President Trump has been out of office for almost 160 days. During that time, I mostly paid attention to the actions of Congress. I focused on the COVID relief bills, the voting rights bills (federal and state), climate-related actions, and Supreme Court decisions. I also followed the lethal attacks on a woman’s right to control her body and an LGBTQ+ person’s right to define the terms of their existence. 

I paid too little attention to the COVID situation in South America, Africa, Europe, or Asia (excluding the death tolls in India and Brazil and a vague awareness of the Delta variant), and I paid zero attention to the COVID situation in Australia or the Pacific Islands.

Post-Trump, I’ve reduced my news intake considerably. I have, in terms of Voltaire, taken to cultivating my garden. I try to avoid “the three great evils [of] l’ennui, le vice, et le besoin” (though all things in moderation, I suppose) while also practicing gratitude and kindness (and too often failing at both).

In Candide, Voltaire’s “honest Turk” presumes “that they who meddle with the administration of public affairs sometimes perish miserably, and that they deserve it.” The more I ignore the nastiness of the narcissists in Washington D.C., the more I tend to agree with Voltaire.

Of course, it’s easy for me to ignore the goings-on in our nation’s capital. I’m a white, cisgender, heterosexual male with a full-time job, clear citizenship status, and a fixed-rate mortgage in a rural village in Vermont. 

I don’t have to worry about ending my unwanted pregnancy. My skin color probably won’t cause my untimely death at the hands of police officers, biased medical professionals, violent racists, or self-appointed vigilantes. I can leave my house without fear of unwarranted deportation. I can use a public restroom without risking my physical safety. I don’t have a greedy landlord who can jack up my rent. I live far from rising sea levels and in a region that (so far) has been lucky enough to avoid massive droughts, storms, and wildfires.

My ability to ignore Washington D.C. is, simply put, evidence of my privilege.

But it is also evidence of my age. At forty-four years old, I don’t have the passion for politics I once had. I still get mad at the lies and the lying liars who tell them, and I still get inspired by faithful public servants. But the reduction of our representative democracy to an idiotic, self-obsessed punditocracy has destroyed my ability to pay attention.

Add the Republican party’s decades-long nosedive into cynicism, anti-democratic fascism, and blatant white-supremacy to the Democratic party’s inability to pass crucial legislation like a $15 minimum wage or the For the People Act, and you’ll sympathize with my withdrawal from daily politics.

Thankfully, with President Biden in the White House and the Democratic Party (at least temporarily) in control of Congress, I don’t have to wake up terrified to read the headlines each morning. I don’t expect a pre-emptive nuclear strike on North Korea, a national ban on Muslim travelers, or a federal boondoggle on behalf of fossil fuel companies. 

In our Post-Trump moment, instead of sparking my anxiety disorder with a daily deep-dive into all the ways our government is ruining the present and future, I choose to sit on my front porch, crack open a locally brewed beer, pick at my ukulele, and escape into a book of fiction. 

And for that, I am thankful.

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politics

Focus on Bipartisanship With Americans, Not With Their Politicians

In 2010, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell made it clear to his Republican colleagues that their coöperation with the Obama Administration would not be tolerated, especially on healthcare reform. According to Kill Switch: The Rise of the Modern Senate and the Crippling of American Democracy, Senator McConnell (supported by the rancor of the Tea Party, which was fueled and funded by the billionaire, anti-union, libertarian-leaning Koch Brothers) used his power over committee assignments to bully Republican senators such as Chuck Grassley of Iowa and Olympia Snow of Maine from supporting a healthcare bill that, by design, consisted mostly of Republican policy proposals and was, in many ways, “the same fucking bill” as the one passed in Massachusetts by a Republican governor, Mitt Romney.

Despite having been sent to Congress to provide solutions to America’s many problems, Majority Leader McConnell’s marching orders for the Republican caucus in 2010 focused exclusively on obstructing President Obama’s agenda. Instead of working with the Democrats to ensure Republican principles were embedded in legislation, Republicans allowed themselves to be bullied by the leader and his allies into simply saying “No” to anything the Democrats tried to do.

Over the next ten years, the partisan divide between Republicans and Democrats metastasized, to the point where, as Nathan Kalmoe of Louisiana State University and Lilliana Mason of the University of Maryland found in their study on Lethal Mass Partisanship, “40-60% [of partisans] hold views that rationalize harming opponents” and “5-15% report feeling partisan schadenfreude or endorse partisan violence” (schadenfreude, for example, includes “Democrats feeling less concerned and more pleased about minor physical harm to President George W. Bush after a bicycle accident”).  

According to Kalmoe and Mason, virtually half of all current partisans hold attitudes that include “vilification and dehumanization of targets, blaming targets and emphasizing their deservingness for punishment, holding morally righteous views of oneself or one’s group, displacement of personal or collective responsibility for harm done, and minimizing or misrepresenting the extent of those harms.”

Their findings show that roughly 60-70% of both Republicans and Democrats agree with the notion that the other party is “a serious threat to the United States and its people.” Worryingly, 15% of Republicans and 20% of Democrats “agreed that the country would be better off if large numbers of opposing partisans in the public today ‘just died.” As the authors of the study remark, this is “a shockingly brutal sentiment.”

The extremes of this trend can be seen clearly in the “Trump 2020: Fuck Your Feelings” campaign rhetoric of 2020 and in the partisan violence that erupted during the insurrection of January 6th

In today’s 117th Congress, Democrats hold a slim majority of seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, 221-211 (with three vacancies). The Senate, meanwhile, is divided evenly between 48 Democrats and 50 Republicans, with the nation’s two independent senators, Angus King of Maine and Bernie Sanders of Vermont, caucusing with the Democrats. Vice-President Harris’ tie-breaking vote determines control of the chamber, which puts the Democrats in charge of the floor.

Two weeks ago, the House approved a $1.9 trillion COVID relief package by a vote of 219-212, “with every Republican voting against the measure and just two Democrats joining them — Jared Golden of Maine and Kurt Schrader of Oregon.” On Friday, after a chaotic week of legislative infighting between progressive and “centrist” (re: conservative) Democratic senators, the Senate Democrats passed their own version of the package by a vote of 50-49 (the missing Republican vote needed to attend a funeral). This means that one of the largest bills in Congressional history, a bill that spends $1.9 trillion on the American people and their states, passed without a single vote from the minority party.

Unfortunately, President Biden made bipartisanship one of his defining campaign promises — not just in the general election against former President Trump, but also in the primaries, where he claimed his relationships with Republicans in the Senate would make his agenda more passable than “the political revolution” promised by Senator Sanders. Now Republicans are using the strict party-line vote on COVID relief to claim that President Biden has broken his promise to the American people.

However, as Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, the chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, told a reporter last week, bipartisanship doesn’t mean working with Republican Senators and Representatives who refuse to accept the legitimacy of the President. Instead, it means passing legislation that is supported by the vast majority of Americans, and according to polls, 62% of voters, including almost half of all Republicans, support the Democrats’ COVID relief bill, preferring its swift passage over Democratic coöperation with Congressional Republicans.

Representative Jayapal is absolutely correct. The hyper-partisanship that governs the Republican primary system and the base’s continued allegiance to former President Trump all but ensures that McConnell-style obstructionists will rise to the top of the G.O.P. As in 2010, these individuals would rather play naked power-politics than actually engage with their fellow citizens on solving any of America’s problems. 

Despite not winning a single Republican vote on what is sure to be one of his administration’s major legislative victories, the President doubled down on his desire for bipartisanship. “There’s a lot of Republicans who came very close [to voting for the bill],” he told reporters. “They’ve got a lot of pressure on them. I still haven’t given up on getting their support.”

But as we saw with the elimination of the minimum-wage increase in the COVID Relief bill, bridging the gap between progressive and centrist Democrats is hard enough without also courting the votes of the reality-challenged insurrectionists of the Republican caucus.

While Republican officials continue to take the obstructionist path in an attempt pacify the fury of their Trump-supporting base, Americans of all stripes support a myriad of proposals for change, including:

The President should stop paying lip service to “official” bipartisanship and push for policies supported by the vast majority of Americans. It’s the only way to move the country forward.

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Fix Democracy

From Democrats, Here’s How To Lose in 2022. And Deserve It.

The rules are not separate from the issues. If you want effective Covid response, if you want robust gun violence prevention, if you want a strong economy, then you need a true American democracy.

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Bernie On Next Steps

From I Asked Bernie Sanders if It Was All Over. ‘No,’ He Groaned:

“Now, the day after Biden is elected,” [Bernie said,] “we have got to mobilize and organize all over this country to make sure that Biden becomes as progressive a president as is possible, that Democrats control the Senate and the House, and that we can put sufficient pressure on Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer to carry out a progressive agenda.”

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Biden is Not Obama

From ‘The President Was Not Encouraging’: What Obama Really Thought About Biden:

“Biden doesn’t come from the wonky angle of leadership,” said a senior Obama administration official. “It’s different than the last two Democratic presidents. Biden is from a different style. It’s an older style, of Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson of ‘Let’s meet, let’s negotiate, let’s talk, let’s have a deal.’”

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Why Bernie Never Calls Himself a Democrat

The problem, though, is that Democrats in Washington are not just passively failing to mount a strong opposition to Donald Trump – they are actively helping Republicans try to fortify the obstacles to long-term progressive change well after this emergency subsides.

The Guardian, Democrats Are Fueling a Corporate Counter-Revolution Against Progressives